The Spectator

Turkey must relent

It would be a tragedy if Turkish membership of the EU were to be jeopardised by its treatment of its most prominent novelist

Already a subscriber? Log in

This article is for subscribers only

Subscribe today to get 3 months' delivery of the magazine, as well as online and app access, for only £3.

  • Weekly delivery of the magazine
  • Unlimited access to our website and app
  • Enjoy Spectator newsletters and podcasts
  • Explore our online archive, going back to 1828

It would be a tragedy, therefore, if Turkish membership of the EU were to be jeopardised by Turkey’s ugly treatment of its most prominent novelist, Orhan Pamuk. Last week Mr Pamuk was charged under Article 301/1 of the Turkish penal code, which makes it an offence to insult the Republic of Turkey, punishable with between six months’ and three years’ imprisonment — increased by a third if the offence was committed abroad. Mr Pamuk’s crime was to make reference, in an interview with Swiss newspaper Tagesanzeiger in February, to Turkey’s ethnic cleansing of Armenians between 1915 and 1917 and to its ill-treatment of Kurds since 1984. ‘Thirty thousand Kurds and a million Armenians were killed in these lands and nobody but me dares to talk about it,’ he said.

It goes without saying that jailing people for raising such issues is unacceptable in a modern democracy. Orhan Pamuk is no traitor. On the contrary, he is seen in the literary world as a great ambassador for his homeland, whose work shows a deep love of his country and who has been able to straddle the gap between East and West. He simply wishes to be free to discuss a couple of dark episodes in Turkey’s history. To jail him for doing so would be akin to our own courts sending down a novelist who dared to mention the Irish potato famine.

To give it some credit, the Turkish government does not entirely deny that a large number of Armenians came to a sticky end around 1915. The prime minister, Tayyip Erdogan, recently announced his desire to establish a commission of historians to judge whether or not genocide took place. Yet no properly functioning democracy seeks to legislate in favour of one official version of history. Rather it tolerates a free market in ideas, knowing full well that it is lively debate which best ensures that the truth eventually seeps out.

Orhan Pamuk’s accusations of the scale of Turkish maltreatment of Armenians and Kurds are supported by eyewitness accounts. An American diplomat filed a report at the time speaking of Ottoman soldiers, aided by Kurdish tribesmen, ‘sweeping the countryside, massacring men, women and children and burning their homes. Babies were shot in their mothers’ arms, small children were horribly mutilated, women were stripped and beaten.’ Pamuk’s accusations are supported, too, by Halil Berktay, a professor at Sabanci University, who puts the numbers of dead at between 800,000 and one million.

But even if Pamuk’s charges were nonsense, it would be no excuse for jailing him. A confident nation has no need to suppress free speech, knowing that anyone who makes false accusations against their country’s past for political reasons will rapidly be crushed beneath the weight of counter-evidence. It is very irritating when some left-wing firebrand pops up blaming the British empire for Aids, using the tortuous argument that the buggery of black slaves by their British masters induced Afro-Caribbeans to violent homophobia, thereby suppressing condom-use in latterday Africa. But to bung them behind bars? Apart from the abuse of the firebrand’s human rights, it would merely serve to suggest that Britain had never got over its loss of empire.

Admittedly, Turkey’s problem over Armenia and the Kurds is not limited to the government: 80 per cent of respondents to a recent opinion poll said they could do without EU membership if it meant having to admit to past genocide. But if Turkey wants to join the EU, and become a full member of the wider club of Western democracies, it simply has to face up to its past, and to its present democratic failings. Article 301/1 of its penal code must go.

Comments

Join the debate for just $5 for 3 months

Be part of the conversation with other Spectator readers by getting your first three months for $5.

Already a subscriber? Log in